29. And Esther the Queen, daughter of Avichayil, and Mordechai the Yehudi wrote all of the authority to accept this second letter of Purim.
Bechiras Avraham and the Me’am Loez quote the Talmud (Yoma 29a) that, in some sense, the Purim story is the last open miracle in Jewish history recorded in TaNaCh. Therefore, this letter tuf, being the final letter in the Hebrew alphabet, is written large to hint to this idea of the end of miracles.
But will not miracles happen again, as promised by our prophet when he writes (Micha 7:15) that H-Shem will show the Jewish people wondrous things, “as in the days of [our] coming out of Egypt?” The Beis HaLevi answers that the miracles we experience today are fleeting, like a person lifting a candle against the driving wind. The prophet’s words are regarding the days of Mashiach (bim’heira biyameinu), at which time miracles will be made to last forever.
R’ Moshe Dovid Valle writes that the large tuf testifies to Esther’s purity (temimus). He writes that this is the reason why the verse also mentions that Mordechai is a Yehudi.
According to the Talmud Yerushalmi (Megillah 1:4), the verse stresses that the holiday would be celebrated “every year and year” to demonstrate that Purim will never be abolished, even in the time of Moshiach.
R’ Yaakov Emden points out that these days were already established as days of joy. After all, Moshe Rabbeinu was born on the seventh of Adar, so his bris (“circumcision”) should have been scheduled for the 14th. However, the Talmud (Sotah 12a) says that he was born circumcised, so he only required a symbolic pin-prick called hatafas dam bris (Shulchan Aruch Yoreh Deah 262:1 and 264:1), and this procedure is not held on a Shabbos (Shulchan Aruch Yoreh Deah 260:2 and 263:1). Therefore, Moshe’s bris was on the 15th of Adar.
15. And the Yehudim who were in Shushan gathered also on the fourteenth of the month of Adar. And they killed in Shushan three hundred man. And in their spoils they did not send their hands.
The Targum Sheini indicates that the three hundred mentioned in this verse were all leaders among Amalek. It continues that Zeresh ran away (see # 521 above) together with 70 remaining sons of Haman, Shimshi was killed in battle, and Haman’s other sons were among the 300 killed. The point is that nobody left alive could positively be traced to Haman’s family. He was wiped out mida kineged mida, as he had planned to do to the Jews.
Maamar Mordechai writes that these 300 came to fight in order to avenge the death of Haman, their former leader.
On the other hand, Yad HaMelech explains that fewer people were killed because they were afraid of the Jews’ military prowess.
The Ginzei HaMelech notes that the Rambam (Mishneh Torah, Hilchos Megillah 1:5) states that Shushan Purim is fully celebrated as Purim on the fifteenth of Adar in cities that were walled from the days of Yehoshua. The Ginzei HaMelech explains that this is the reference point because in the days of Yehoshua (Yehoshua 11:20), too, H-Shem instilled a false sense of confidence into the minds of the Jews’ enemies. Similarly, these 300 enemies illogically felt emboldened to do battle against the Jews despite the obvious fallacy of their imagined success. The prophet (Yechezkiel 39:2-3) promises that a similar incident will happen in the time of Moshiach, bimheira biyameinu.
Bireishis Rabbasi (Bireishis 45:22) notes that these 300 enemies were killed in the merit of the 300 silver coins Yosef gave Binyamin.
According to the Vilna Gaon, Esther requested that Haman’s sons be hanged to make it clear that the Jews were acting in accordance with the will of the king, avoiding any future persecution. By hanging Haman’s sons, it was sign to everyone that the king approved of the Jews’ actions.
Ohel Moshe writes that the people could have theoretically thought that Haman was hanged for attempting to kill Mordechai, the rescuer of the king. Esther wanted it to be very clear that, in actual fact, for generations that this was not some political soap opera, but rather H-Shem did all of this for the sake of the Jews.
R’ Yehonason Eibshutz similarly demonstrates that it is not from Achashverosh, but from H-Shem.
Interestingly, Yalkut Pisron Torah (273) writes that this group of sons were handed over to the Jews in the merit of the Jews’ keeping the mitzva (Devarim 22:6-7) of shiluach hakan (“chasing away the mother bird”).
In the Parsha of Titzaveh, which is usually read before Purim, in the first verse (Shemos 27:20), H-Shem commands the Jewish people to make the clothing of the kohanim using the words, “es bnei Yisroel v’yik’chu.” Rabbi Yosef Freedman points out that the last letters of those four words can be rearranged to spell talui (“hanging”) and the first letters of the same words can be rearranged to spell av v’yud (“the father and ten”).
R’ Moshe Dovid Valle notes that the ten sons of Haman, and Haman himself, hang on the tree together, and those eleven people parallel the eleven1 curses mentioned in the Torah (Devarim 27:15-26) reserved for those who do not keep H-Shem’s Law. Their hanging should remove from us these curses.
Rabbi Yaakov Asher Sinclair (https://ohr.edu/purim/deeper_insights/3440) writes that these dead bodies needed to be hanged because the Talmud (Sanhedrin 97b) promises that Moshiach will come to the Jews even if they do not deserve him. This will occur after a wave of teshuva (“repentance”) takes us over after the evil decrees of a tyrant worse than Haman, himself.
together, there are twelve curses in those verses, not eleven. See
Rashi there (Devarim 27:26) that the twelfth and final of these
curses is a general one that encompasses the entire Torah. Perhaps
this is a reason for R’ Moshe Dovid Valle to have not included it in
his calculation of the number of curses.
13. And Esther said, “If it is good for the king, give also tomorrow to the Yehudim who are in Shusham to do according to today’s law, and the sons of Haman hang on the tree.”
In a move reminiscent of her request (Esther 5:8) for a second party (also requesting it for “tomorrow!”), given the opportunity to ask of anything from the king, Esther asks for a seeming repeat of the previous day.
M’nos HaLevi explains that this would give the opportunity to kill more of the Jews’ enemies, avoiding the possibility of their getting revenge.
According to the Ben Ish Chai, Esther wanted two days to mirror the two days Haman planned in his decree – one day to kill off the people, and the second day to take their belongings.
The Megillas Sesarim notes that the Jewish court met in Shushan, as is evident from the fact that Mordechai (who was on the court) lived there, and the Talmud (Megillah 12a) says Achashverosh consulted the Jewish scholars regarding Vashti’s behavior. That being the case, the Shechina had some influence in Shushan since the Talmud (Brachos 6a) teaches that the Shechina resides where a Jewish court judges. Esther felt that the Shechina left as soon as Haman made the decree to kill the Jews. The second day was intended to allow for the Shechina to return.
The Ginzei HaMelech posits that Esther requested a second day to effect a tikkun for the mistake of Shaul in letting Agag live. He quotes the Pachad Yitzchak, who writes that there were previously two wars with Amalek, a defensive one when they attacked in the time of Moshe (Shemos 17:8-16), and an offensive battle in which H-Shem commanded their eradication in the time of Shaul (Shmuel 1 15:1-9). The first day symbolizes that first war because it was also defensive. The requested second day would represent the second, offensive, war. He adds that since the word, melech also represents H-Shem, Esther is asking the Creator for a future (as Rashi defines machar (“tomorrow”)) directive to destroy Amalek, in the days of Moshiach.
Rav Shlomo Brevda (zt”l) writes that Esther asked for a second day so that people would not say that Haman’s erred in his interpretation of astrology in choosing the 13th of Adar. Esther wanted it to be crystal clear that, although Haman’s astrological skills were perfectly accurate, H-Shem changed the decree to save the Jews.
In explaining how ora (“light”) represents Torah, the Ben Ish Chai writes that ora is written with a hey because it means ohrhey, or the light of H-Shem.
Rav Tzaddok HaKohen writes that ora is written with a letter hey because the verse intends it to be feminine since the Torah being described here is specifically Torah she’bal peh (“the Oral Law”). As Rashi (on Mishlei 1:8) writes, the Torah she’bal peh is represented by the feminine. Rav Mordechai Gifter explains that this is because the rabbis know the natural foibles of their people in the same way that a mother considers the nature of her son.
From the time the Jews ignored Mordechai (the leading rabbi of the generation) by attending Achashverosh’s party until they re-accepted the Oral Torah with the words (Esther 9:27) “kimu v’kiblu” (“they took and they accepted”), the Jews of that period were struggling with Torah she’bal peh, and its necessary rabbinic accompaniments.
Similarly, the Midrash Yerushalmi interprets yikar as denoting the judges, who were also the rabbis.
Midrash Chaseros v’Yitaros writes that sasson (“joy”) is spelled incomplete (without a vuv) because no joy can be complete until Moshiach comes and the Beis Hamikdash is rebuilt, bimheira biyameinu.
R’ Chaim Kanievsky writes that it is written incompletely because circumcision, which this represents, has an element of pain. He notes that sasson is spelled completely in the next verse (Esther 8:17) because we should strive to add to the joy of Purim as though nothing is missing, as the Halacha (Biur Halacha 695, dh “ad d’lo yada”) states explicitly regarding the custom to become inebriated on Purim.
According to R’ Dovid Feinstein, the word for “ready” as written (atudim) with a vuv implies permanence, in a state of remaining. In other words, the Jews should remain ready for future events. He quotes the Talmud (Shabbos 88a) about the Jews being miraculously coerced by H-Shem into accepting the Torah at Sinai under a threat of annihilation. In contrast, the Jews re-accepted the Torah at the end of Megillas Esther (Esther 9:27) under no such threatening pressure, and under not such obvious miracles.
Ginzei HaMelech writes that this could also be an allusion to the continuing future battle of the Jewish people against Amalek. He quotes the words of the Rambam (Mishneh Torah, Hilchos Megillah 2:18) that all of the works of TaNaCh will no longer be needed once Moshiach comes. The exception to this is Megillas Esther. The Ginzei HaMelech explains that the war against Amalek mentioned in the Purim story will still be relevant after Moshiach. It is a day for which the Jews should continually be prepared.
In regard to the Song at the Sea, Rashi on Shemos (15:1) teaches that a letter “yud” in front of a verb indicates the intent of the subject. In the Sfas Emes’s understanding of this verse, Mordechai’s actions indicate that he would not bow. It was an impossibility for him, so remotely distant from his normative code and conduct. The Chofetz Chaim teaches that this, too, teaches the important of avoiding compromising morals.
The Sfas Emes also teaches that this verse is prophetically promising that, in every generation, there will be someone who will not bow. Jews have and always will have at least one person who keeps to what is true. Ultimately, this is going to be Moshiach, may he come soon.
The Talmud (Rosh HaShanah 7a) uses this verse to suggest we usually count the years from Rosh HaShanah every Tishrei, but we count the individual months from Nissan. The names of the months we use are not even Jewish in origin (Yerushalmi, Rosh HaShanah 1:2), so why do we use them? By mentioning the names, Ramban writes (on Shemos 12:2) we remind ourselves that we are in exile, still awaiting Mashiach, speedily in our day.
The Talmud (Megillah 13a) says that Achashverosh and Esther met in this month because Teves is a naturally colder month, and the warmth of bodies would be more enjoyable. This way, Achashverosh would be naturally predisposed to like Esther more than the other women. In this seemingly “natural” manner, H-Shem works His miracles.